Sabaoth Church Roma (ph. Ewelina Berdowicz)
di Ewelina Berdowicz [*]
Introduction
The Italian religious marketplace features the emergence of many brands represented by resourceful entrepreneurs whose modus operandi resembles that of the corporate world. Roger Finke and Rodney Stark’s (1988) theory of religious economies seems to account for what is currently happening among Italian Christians acting in accordance with the Neo-Pentecostal (Third Wave) legacy. This investigation focuses primarily on what has been termed by Donald E. Miller and Tetsunao Yamamori (2007) the most dynamic orientation within Pentecostalism, namely the Prosperity Gospel, often called the Health and Wealth Theology or Seed Faith interchangeably. Nevertheless, it should be remembered that some scholars, take for example Richard Quebedeaux (1976), handle the above-mentioned terminology differently.
Entering into a discussion about the preferences Italians demonstrate regarding the type of Christianity they opt for nowadays, should be preceded by familiarizing oneself with its history as well as key features. An in-depth analysis of the Italian religious environment carried out between 2019 and 2023, has shown that Neo-Pentecostalism, initiated in the 1980s by an American pastor John Wimber (McClymond, 2014), is at the forefront. Wimber introduced a preaching method which came to be known as power evangelism (Christerson, Flory, 2017). His on-stage performance would be marked by frequent allusions to signs and wonders and hence, scholars may also speak of the Signs and Wonders Movement every time they think of Wimber’s approach. The father of Neo-Pentecostalism drew attention to distinct varieties of healing including healing of the spirit, inner healing, healing of the demonized, healing of the body, and healing of the dying and the dead (Springer, Wimber, 1987).
Enumerating as well as describing them one by one, contributed to developing a coherent framework Christians praying for the sick can rest on, especially given that it has been on the market ever since. Due to the emphasis he put on promoting itinerant ministry, demonstrating supernatural phenomena the same way a commodity is marketed to potential customers, and finally, establishing partnerships, Wimber is believed to have laid the groundwork for contemporary’s entrepreneurial model of Christianity, eagerly adopted worldwide. Both Bill Johnson and Charles Peter Wagner were inspired by Wimber (Christerson, Flory, 2017) in the past. The former is pastoring the most famous megachurch around the globe, namely, Bethel Church in Redding, California whereas the latter pioneered an original perspective on leadership which he made the basis for the New Apostolic Reformation, a movement he launched (Wagner, 2006). The same is true for Randy Clark, the face of the so-called Toronto Blessing, usually associated with a powerful outpouring of the Holy Spirit whose hallmarks include weeping, laughing, making animal sounds, trembling, rolling on the floor, staggering, falling, having visions, or feeling as if the body has just been electrified. Wimber was Clark’s mentor and a source of great admiration.
Having explained religious trends observed among Italian Christians, now the orientation which appears most attractive to them and most successful due to its entrepreneurial ties, should be characterized briefly. Kate Bowler (2013: 7), notes that the Prosperity Gospel concentrates on four important themes and these are faith, health, wealth, and victory. When it comes to faith, Bowler (2013) argues that it serves as an activator responsible for triggering out spiritual forces, ready to intervene for the believer’s benefit. Apropos health and wealth (hence, Health and Wealth Theology), they apply to physical as well as mental wellbeing and economic welfare respectively. Precisely speaking, one’s faith is expected to make a given individual victorious in all fields of life. However, when analyzing the content delivered by Prosperity Gospel practitioners, it can be concluded that God’s mercy is not free of charge. Conversely, it is conditional. In other words, divine healing, spiritual gifts, and financial growth are reserved for those who regularly donate the money to a particular ministry, or rather a minister acting as a religious entrepreneur (Miller, Yamamori, 2007: 29). That is why, Finke and Stark’s theory comparing religious economies to commercial economies seems compatible with this research. Italian Prosperity Gospel preachers operate as brands that aim to attract religious consumers. They advertise their services, promote tailor-made offers, and run their ministries based on a corporate style. Furthermore, they compete in a similar fashion to famous companies that seek to increase the number of brand loyalists and consequently, boost their own income. Never-ending affluence resulting from a stream of blessings should be regarded as a product, religious consumers who are frequently called religious shoppers, can purchase. According to Andrzej Kobyliński (2021: 7), cultivating the belief that poverty, disease, and suffering are signs of spiritual impotence, is the most controversial aspect of the Health and Wealth Theology. The author claims that Prosperity Gospel proclaimers deprive faith of its mystery, bringing it down to the sphere of materialism and consumerism where positive confession is expected to influence the course of events (Coleman, 2004: 28).
The principal objective of this study is to understand the dynamics and peculiarities of the relationship between Prosperity Gospel proclaimers from Italy and their audience, based on social influence principles once defined by Robert Beno Cialdini (2009). The discussion will be enriched by repeated references to Collins’ theory of interaction ritual chains (Collins, 2004). Besides, the investigation also provides better insight into the problem of how adhering to concrete dogmas may affect one’s self-esteem.
The rules
In Italy, Prosperity Gospel proclaimers, aspire to becoming a recognizable brand, as stated above. In this research, however, the question of faith branding will not be raised. All its mechanisms have already been clarified in a separate paper (Berdowicz, 2023). Nonetheless, it is worth noting that Wimber’s successors tend to establish their own churches by means of which they regularly evangelize and build rapport with the audience. Therefore, it can be assumed that brand building in a religious setting under consideration, usually starts with stationary preaching, at least until enough funds has been raised to become an itinerant minister. Attracting potential customers requires creativity, uniqueness, and visibility, bearing in mind continuous presence in social media. Sermons should be fiery, events adjusted to a given segment, and the experience itself – catharsis-oriented. Before proceeding to elaborate on those principles of social influence which govern the relationship between Prosperity Gospel proclaimers and their followers, it is necessary to take a closer look at what makes interaction effective in a group of individuals driven by identical beliefs and how intense religious training may lead to attitudinal changes.
Randall Collins acknowledges that: «rituals are constructed from a combination of ingredients that grow to differing levels of intensity, and result in the ritual outcomes of solidarity, symbolism, and individual emotional energy» (Collins, 2004: 47). Regarding the ingredients he alludes to, these are bodily co-presence, barrier to outsiders, mutual focus of attention, and a shared mood (Collins, 2004: 48). All of them form the core of a typical worship service held by Italian Prosperity Gospel proclaimers. Firstly, such a meeting involves individuals who are physically assembled in the same room and hence, they largely affect one another. Wimber himself would encourage audience members to touch co-participants sitting nearby in order to impart the divine anointing. Secondly, the room in question serves as a boundary to outsiders, providing a sense of exclusiveness. Those who are in, fell somehow obliged to get engaged, since at the same time they know, they are key elements of the whole structure. Thirdly and most importantly in the light of this study, the worshippers exposed to the content delivered by the preacher, concentrate either on the speaker or the activity he or she has just initiated. In any case, they become mutually aware of what to pay attention to and what is about to happen as a result. Take, for example, the practice of praying in tongues or the mere moment of “sowing a seed”, i.e., donating money, which have been investigated when collecting data for this research. In both instances, individuals worked as a team after recognizing a call to action which literally means that they had a common goal to pursue.
Fourthly, the attendees under consideration, produce a shared cognitive experience (Collins, 2004: 48), accompanied by shared feelings. To illustrate: testimonies of faith given to the public, especially the ones referring to financial breakthrough, impose a strictly defined image of God on the recipients, usually the image of a loving Father, ready to meet worshippers’ expectations. Conceptualizing the Almighty, on the other hand, comes with hope, trust, and admiration. Apropos ritual outcomes, group solidarity, symbols, and emotional energy, are of utmost importance to this investigation, mainly because their emergence makes audience members more responsive. Italian Prosperity Gospel preachers start with appropriate attunement directed at the participants before they raise the issue of supporting their ministries. In other words, they make sure their requests fall on fertile ground.
As suggested by Peter Benson and Bernard Spilka, self-esteem influences God-images. To be more precise, it is «related positively to loving God-images and negatively to rejecting-impersonal-controlling definitions of God» (Benson, Spilka, 1973: 306). The scholars explain that individuals with high self-esteem, praise God and appreciate His presence in their lives whereas those with low self-esteem caused by life hardships, distance themselves from the Creator. Moreover, Benson and Spilka (ibidem) emphasize the interdependence between an external stimulation (e.g. religious training), self-esteem, and the way an individual perceives God. Relating their findings to the subject of this research, it seems appropriate to enter into discussion on how their theory applies to the Prosperity Gospel environment. The preachers spread messages of God’s willingness to reward the faithful with happiness, health, and wealth (Kobyliński, 2021: 7) which in practical terms means that they promote utopian visions. Nevertheless, those visions depict God as the source of love, compassion, and omnipotence. The preachers foster a belief that speaking one’s desires out loud is tantamount to their immediate fulfillment. However, to receive God’s blessing, a worshipper is expected to sow a seed, i.e. offer something in return, according to what has been mentioned before. Consequently, an individual hoping for God’s intervention, decides to allocate his or her resources to a given ministry, because this is exactly what has been advised as part of religious training. It can therefore be assumed that making a donation increases a donator’s self-esteem which eventually leads him or her to achieve personal empowerment and enhance a positive image of the Creator.
Returning to the question of social influence principles, those established by Cialdini should be characterized briefly to provide a coherent framework for further considerations. Cialdini (2009) distinguishes six of them and these are: (1) reciprocity, (2) commitment and consistency, (3) social proof, (4) liking, (5) authority, and (6) scarcity. When it comes to reciprocity, this particular rule says that an individual who has received something as a gift, a favor, or an invitation, is obligated to repay in a similar fashion. Nonetheless, the system of indebtedness has its own limitations. Precisely speaking, it is believed that small favors should be repaid as soon as possible because the desire to do so fades with time. Conversely, favors of memorable sort tend to live long (Cialdini, 2009: 20). With regard to the rule of commitment and consistency, it has a lot to do with the human search for approval. Once an individual has made a choice, his or her behavior should comply with the previously-taken stand, even though the circumstances have changed for the worse (Cialdini, 2009: 52). An individual will keep reassuring himself or herself that the decision announced in the past was right. Influence can also be exercised based on the social proof principle which posits that a given person is more likely to get engaged in a specific activity when he or she sees other people participating in it. To put it differently, an individual follows the crowd, driven by the conviction that what the crowd is performing, is correct and socially acceptable. Liking, as its name suggests, rests on an emotional bond between interlocutors. Befriending a recipient increases the chances to reach the goal. However, on certain occasions, one’s readiness to act may result from deep respect one has towards an authority figure. Such situation is typical of the workplace. Finally, the scarcity principle which is frequently implemented in the merchandising field. Cialdini (2009: 200) claims that opportunities seem more attractive when they are in short supply. For this reason, shoppers hoping to buy discounted products, do not mind waiting in line.
Practical implementation
This research was carried out between 2019 and 2023, both on-site and off-site. The former stands for fieldwork done in Rome. Its main intention was to explore how the crowd responds to the verbal triggers sent by the performer. The communities chosen for this purpose were Sabaoth Church Roma and Hillsong Rome Connect. Interestingly, they were not run directly by the preachers under consideration. Instead, they were supervised by the appointed leaders who would scrupulously adhere to the guidelines as far as the protocol is concerned. The same is true for community discourse which was expected to coincide with the standards set by the authority figure. Regarding the latter, it relates to an in-depth analysis of the social media content delivered by the selected preachers themselves. Since the investigation adopts the concept of the religious marketplace as a reference point (Finke, Stark, 1988), the terms religious entrepreneur and religious consumer/shopper may also be used when talking about Prosperity Gospel proclaimers and their followers respectively. The proclaimers addressed in this study are: (1) Roselen Boerner Faccio, pastor and founder of the Sabaoth Church (original name), headquartered in Milan; Boerner Faccio acts as a brand herself. She has been intensively involved into marketing, as evidenced by the number of subsidiaries she has established across Italy, (2) Enzo Incontro, pastor and founder of the Mission Paradise Church (Missione Paradiso; original Italian name), headquartered in Catania. His entrepreneurial engagement is similar to Boerner Faccio’s, however, on a smaller scale. He can also be referred to as brand, (3) Lirio Porrello, pastor and founder of the Word of Grace Church (Parola della Grazia; original Italian name; frequently abbreviated to PDG), headquartered in Palermo. Porrello’s entrepreneurial skills have led him to develop a network of churches countrywide, (4) Angelo D’Aloisi, pastor and coordinator of Hillsong Milan (original name) which serves as a branch of the Australian headquarters. Hillsong has been known around the world as a strong advocate of the ideas assigned to the Prosperity Gospel. Noteworthy is the fact that the enumerated preachers operate based on Wimber’s legacy. It should be made clear that this study concentrates on the interplay between the entrepreneur and the shopper rather than on the intra-community life. The dynamics of the relationship in question as well as its features, are most crucial here. They will be discussed as a whole, to avoid elaborating on each preacher separately.
Prosperity Gospel proclaimers, especially those who work as itinerant ministers, tend to provide their followers with various services. Healing prayer is one of them. The meetings, held either stationary or online, feature cases of miraculous recoveries which are believed to be an unquestionable demonstration of the power of God. According to the reciprocity principle, favors should be repaid, and this is exactly what the blessed think once they experience God’s mercy. Needless to say, they cannot reach the Creator directly and therefore, the only possibility to express gratitude is to reward the minister who prayed over an individual. Roselen Boerner Faccio invented a praying channel, associated with her Instagram account which she called Sabaoth Devotional. Every morning its subscribers gather together and praise God vividly, backed up by Christian songs played in the background.
Returning to Finke and Stark’s theory (1988), it can be argued that Boerner Faccio has a great potential to meet religious shoppers’ requirements in terms of the products they are looking for in the religious marketplace. She recognizes special interests of a given customer segment, responding with tailor-made solutions. Sabaoth Church official YouTube channel, namely SabaothTV, gives its viewers plenty of options to choose from, based on the content displayed to the public. Take, for example, the Spiritual Week playlist which concentrates on spiritual warfare, that is, one of major issues raised by Third Wavers. The playlist under consideration may attract religious shoppers seeking practical help in this regard, mostly because it contains relevant materials such as stories of the liberated. As soon as those who claim to be under the influence of the evil spirits receive appropriate help, they feel obligated to give something back in return. Usually, they remain loyal to the brand over a long period of time.
Effects of the commitment and consistency principle could be observed in the crowd while collecting data on-site between April and July 2022. The leader of Hillsong Rome Connect, who was accountable to D’Aloisi from Milan, would continue to hold group meetings, even though the community faced logistical problems, that is, the lack of a permanent place for weekly encounters. Every Sunday, Hillsong enthusiasts would congregate in a bar, close to Roma Ostiense train station, and they would watch a worship service streamed live from Milan. They would also pray and sing, although there were other clients inside. The leader once asked about that inconvenience, tried to maintain spiritual unity by saying that church is people, not the building. In a private conversation, she acknowledged how challenging it had been to find a room at a reasonable price. Nevertheless, her determination turned out to be stronger than all the hardships caused by a limited budget. It can be concluded that the commitment she made in front of D’Aloisi, led her to stay on track. Cialdini (2009) speaks of social sanctions that arise from violating the principles. To illustrate how they work, Sabaoth Church Roma should be addressed. When conducting fieldwork, participant observation was done both at the worship center and outside, namely in the house that belonged to a chosen community member. The choice of the house was not accidental. Members were divided based on the area they came from. The same was true for the novices. Meetings held every Wednesday in a homely atmosphere, were mostly devoted to organizational matters and consisted in planning different activities step by step. Attending them was considered obligatory just as much as participating in the forthcoming events. One day, due to the crash of a ticket machine, reaching the place was not possible. The host was announced in advance. However, the way other individuals responded was rather unfavorable. Strictly speaking, skipping the encounter was unacceptable and hence, interpreted as a serious violation of the commitment principle in terms of loyalty to the leader which in turn might have affected the whole rapport.
What is characteristic of Prosperity Gospel proclaimers, is their thirst for donations. In Italy, the transactional model of God-human relationship is widely promoted and therefore, religious entrepreneurs strongly encourage the shoppers to invest their financial resources into the kingdom of God. Small communities feature a complete lack of privacy when it comes to one’s contribution to intra-group well-being. The same is true for money. The worshipper’s unwillingness to donate the ministry can be easily noticed and as a result, he or she might be exposed to the aforementioned sanctions. Hillsong Rome Connect weekly encounters would be enriched by the habit of funding the account of the headquarters, and the mere act of doing so would be performed while sitting together at the table in a group of ten up to fifteen people. Witnessing several individuals making a bank transfer concurrently, shortly after such a suggestion was put forward, prompts the spectator to reflect on the motive force. The answer comes with Cialdini’s (2009) findings. More specifically, the social proof principle. To clarify, a novice watching the worshippers taking their wallets or mobile phones out, determines that this is the correct behavior. One may well ask whether remaining passive will eventually cause disfellowshipping or in the worst-case scenario, marginalizing the uncooperative. The investigation reveals that a participant’s repeated refusal to get engaged, gives rise to growing resentment on the part of the rest.
Emotional branding, which nowadays turns out to be a pivotal strategy, also applies to the Italian religious marketplace. Its central idea is to create a meaningful connection with the audience so that the recipients respond with trust and affection. For this reason, it is essential for religious entrepreneurs to familiarize themselves with shoppers’ preferences, fears, and long-term expectations (Travis, 2000). The products and services offered by a given brand should therefore converge with consumers’ identities whereas authentic experiences that mirror those of the listeners, should make up the core of effective sales. Enzo Incontro’s approach demonstrates how the liking principle works in practice and how significant understanding one’s feelings is for business to grow. Incontro’s Instagram profile, for instance, contains numerous videos that show him carrying out daily chores, relaxing, and interacting with his relatives. The series which he updates on a regular basis is tagged as “walks with God”. Frequently, it is accompanied by other concepts, including “positive thinking”, “solutions”, or “reflections”. The use of such vocabulary suggests that the content refers to life problems and hence, the whole performance is likely to resemble counselling sessions. Contemporarily, people search for external guidance and assistance due to their inability to cope with mental health crisis. The videos published by Incontro, provide them with the answers they need. His openness combined with a proper selection of topics, allows for a better insight into how continuous exposure to particular triggers employed in a religious setting and directed at strictly-defined segment, influences the relationship between the performer and the crowd. In simple terms, Incontro’s viewers appear to like him because he acts as if he were their close friend, aware of their struggles and deficiencies, and that is why they are vulnerable to his preaching. The photos of his grandson strengthen the image of a caring individual he wishes to promote. Cialdini (2009: 148) argues that similarity, for example with regard to values and opinions, plays a vital role in winning’s one’s affection. Incontro’s case seems to confirm this theory.
The figure of Lirio Porrello should be addressed when elaborating on the authority principle. He has been running his ministry for thirty-nine years and as a result, he has become a relevant expert, widely-recognized in the Italian religious marketplace. His pastoral duties are not confined to the Palermo area exclusively. Quite the contrary, he visits PDG subsidiaries as well as fellow preachers administering their own communities. The findings of this research clearly indicate that Porrello cooperates with them eagerly, which is proved by the radio broadcast titled Instructions from Heaven (Istruzioni dal Cielo; original Italian name), aired every Thursday in Radio Zoe. Porrello teams up with Incontro in an attempt to explain biblical verses to the listeners who comment on the performance via live chat, expressing, at the same time, their genuine admiration. According to Michael A. Hogg: «social influence is ultimately a process of change in which one’s behavior’s […] or cognitions […], or both, are changed by the perceived cognitions and behaviors of others» (Hogg, 2010: 1169). Referring Hogg’s conclusions to Porrello’s ministry, it can be assumed that Porrello’s prestige helps him to shape his advocates’ attitudes to a great extent. Attitudes, in turn, fuel decision-making. The great respect Porrello has earned over the years has a powerful impact on customer satisfaction. His portfolio includes, for instance, summer camps, Bible School, dedicated conferences such as “Grow and Glow” for women, revival nights, and even special encounters for Christian singles. An individual’s well-being, here on earth, is a common denominator of all those events.
Some of the services delivered by Prosperity Gospel proclaimers are subject to charges and, on many occasions, their availability is limited. This is especially true for the already-discussed conferences where entrance is possible only after prior registration and getting a ticket. Religious entrepreneurs tend to inform their audience on social media about how sales are going. Based on what Cialdini (2009) says, it can be argued that posting such updates is nothing else but a prime example of scarcity principle practical implementation. To illustrate: Boerner Faccio announces on Sabaoth Church Milano Facebook page that it is no longer possible to take part in ONE24 conference in person, however, online involvement is more than welcome, of course after a purchase has been made. She takes concrete steps to make her followers believe that her proposal is of high value and those who attend will enjoy all the privileges the rest cannot. Bearing in mind the purpose of this research, it is worth considering what lies behind a considerable success the principle in question generates and how it affects the relationship between the performer and the audience. As stated by Cialdini (2009: 203), the potential the scarcity principle shows, builds upon two major sources and these are: (1) weakness for shortcuts and (2) loss of freedom. The former refers to a general conviction that products and services in limited quantities are of good quality whereas the latter stands for an individual’s failure to take control. Returning to the religious marketplace, it can be assumed that Boerner Faccio’s efficient branding led her to become an influential figure, recognized by certain attributes which her products and services also possess. Therefore, whenever she launches something new, it is regarded as luxurious, superb, and reliable.
Sabaoth Church Roma (ph. Ewellina Berdowicz)
Conclusions
The principal objective of this research was to distinguish those principles of social influence which govern the relationship between Prosperity Gospel proclaimers from Italy and their audience. Besides, it also focused on how rigid adherence to the Health and Wealth Theology may impact recipients’ self-esteem.
Firstly, the findings confirm that the rules once defined by Cialdini (2009) also apply to the preacher-follower interaction when talking about the Italian religious marketplace. However, the way they are employed depends on the circumstances. A miraculous recovery will trigger out one’s willingness to repay whereas the emergence of a book written by the pastor one admires, will activate one’s fear of losing the chance to get it if proper measures are not taken on time. The outcomes demonstrate that the crowd united by a shared belief and gathered in a place which is separated from the outside world, behaves in accordance with the established standards, even though one thinks a given practice should not be introduced. This, in turn, implies that inner-group symbolism plays a significant role in decision-making and rapport-building. Refusing to contribute, increases the risk of being exposed to social sanctions and consequently, disfellowshipped. Hence, it should be made clear that the minister’s authority prevails over friendship.
Secondly, the outcomes reveal that emotional branding serves as the key strategy to attract potential loyalists. Italian preachers do not sell merely a product or a service. Quite the contrary, they sell experience that goes together with particular feelings which subsequently provide the basis for a long-term commitment. One’s consistency, on the other hand, may be understood as one’s sincere admiration for the authority figure. The more complicated the situation is the stronger the bond becomes. Customer segmentation is also crucial for religious business to grow. Both participant observation and content analysis suggest that Prosperity Gospel proclaimers’ wide recognition arises from their good understanding of customers’ needs and preferences, also referred to as tailoring. Conferences for women, retreat for the youth, or revival nights during which everyone has a chance to receive a divine blessing: all of them have specific characteristics, adjusted to specific wishes.
Thirdly, the results indicate that religious training largely influences one’s self-esteem which can be easily noticed when examining Prosperity Gospel proclaimers from Italy and their enthusiasts. The ideas spread by the ministers in question, concentrate on positive goals the recipients ultimately decide to pursue. In other words, the preachers create a utopian vision that consists of personal fulfillment, material welfare, and spiritual catharsis. The mere awareness of having the potential to reach them, drives one’s engagement and motivation. In addition, it should be remembered that the minister acts as God’s agent and this is exactly the image preachers want to promote. In effect, the worshipper, also termed in this study a religious shopper/consumer, draws his or her attention to the supernatural and future rewards, instead of wallowing in self-pity. To sum up, the issues raised in this research warrant further investigation. Several problems should be examined carefully to understand how one’s loyalty affects compliance in the religious environment and what happens with those who were disfellowshipped due to various reasons. Membership in a community run by an authority figure comes with significant changes in one’s cognitive and behavioral sphere. Subsequent studies should therefore concentrate on the problem of identity reconstruction.
Dialoghi Mediterranei, n. 69, settembre 2024
[*] This study was carried out with the financial support of the National Science Centre and refers to the research project No. 2021/41/N/HS1/00224.
Abstract
Ottenere il controllo su qualcuno assume forme diverse a seconda delle circostanze. In alcuni casi, può essere un comando diretto pronunciato ad alta voce, mentre, in altri, è una serie di varie strategie impiegate nel corso di un periodo di tempo. Incontrano terreno fertile, il che in termini pratici significa che funzionano meglio, su individui sensibili a stimoli esterni e, pertanto, diventano efficienti. Inoltre, ogni volta che le strategie in questione poggiano su solide fondamenta e il contenuto presentato va di pari passo con una particolare convinzione fortemente sostenuta dal pubblico, anche le sfere cognitive e comportamentali dei destinatari possono subire un notevole cambiamento. Questo è esattamente ciò che è stato osservato tra gli appassionati del Vangelo della Prosperità dall’Italia che frequentano regolarmente servizi di culto durante i quali i predicatori pronunciano sermoni infuocati sul modello transazionale del legame tra Dio e l’uomo. Lo scopo principale di questo studio è identificare quei principi di influenza sociale che governano la relazione tra i proclamatori del Vangelo della Prosperità dall’Italia e il loro pubblico. Inoltre, la ricerca affronta anche il problema di come coltivare particolari convinzioni che si applicano alla Teologia della Salute e della Ricchezza possa plasmare l’autostima dei destinatari. I risultati si basano sui dati raccolti tra il 2019 e il 2023, sia in loco che fuori sede.
Riferimenti bibliografici
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Ewelina Berdowicz, dottoranda presso il Center for Religious Studies and Comparative Research, Adam Mickiewicz University di Poznań, Polonia, ha trascorso cinque anni a studiare il panorama religioso polacco e italiano. Ha pubblicato 10 articoli sui pentecostali e partecipato a 14 conferenze in tutto il mondo, presentando i risultati della sua intensa ricerca. Nel 2022 a Roma ha svolto uno stage presso l’Università Sapienza sotto la supervisione dei prof. Alessandro Saggioro e Carmelo Russo. È particolarmente interessata agli studi sul problema dell’abuso spirituale.
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